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There can be no right thinking Singaporean of whatever shade of political opinion that does not feel at least some sense of loss. Those of us who were privileged to work with Mr Lee Kuan Yew in whatever capacity, and thus knew him in some degree, cannot but also feel a profound personal sense of grief. Mr Lee was not only a great leader – that is obvious -- he was a man, human, and so inevitably complex. He evoked the entire range of human emotions, and evoked them strongly. His legacy will be many faceted and debated for many years. I can only speak of what I personally experienced. As a young MFA officer I was fortunate to have attended many meetings with Mr Lee and to have travelled with him. Later in my career, I sat in on policy discussions, several at times of crisis. I never intended to be a civil servant. I had prepared myself for an academic career. But I soon realised that most of what I thought I knew was at least superficial if not downright irrelevant. My real education in international relations began only when my life intersected, however tangentially, with Mr Lee. And if I stayed in the bureaucracy it was largely because of his example and what I learnt from him.

An interview of the President of the Union of Oil and Gas Operators of Russia, Yuri Shafranik, to the magazine “International Life”   

‒ Yuri Konstantinovitch, how would You like to describe the actual state of the relations between the Federation of Russia and the EU? What is the real damage caused by the sanctions to Russia?
‒ I’d like to cover this topic from some other side. In the first place you should correctly assess the foregoing trends. In 1990-th we were living through a great calamity, the disintegration of a great state. This had an enormous impact on us, as politically, as much as economically. But looking at 2000-th, in case of any aggravation of the relations and in controversies with the West all the opponents may put their signature under the phrase: “Russiawas consequently integrating into the political and economic institutions of the world”. 

Asiatic-Pacific front. Korea, 1945. The Japanese Imperial army had been defeated. The Korean peninsula had just been divided along the 38th Parallel into two zones of influence: American and Soviet. The Allies guarding the border were so close to each other; the mutual interest was as intense as at the Elbe in Europe, though it was not as broadly publicized. The National Archives stores a photo, taken in Korea on September 12, 1945.

Let’s assume that the Cold War had a different end: The Soviet Union prevailed, and the United States withdrew from Western Europe and even disbanded NATO.

Let’s assume that – in spite of the eclipse of the US-NATO threat – the Soviet Union, on other hand, decided to keep the Warsaw Pact in existence, albeit with new members.

Let’s assume that ever since 1990, the reconstituted Warsaw Pact expanded, first, into Western Europe and the Western and Southern Balkans and then into the Western Hemisphere with such new members as Germany, France, Belgium, Holland, Britain, Norway, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Greece, Turkey, and also Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Honduras, and Guatemala. By the way: Let’s also assume that the Soviet Union proposed a Warsaw Pact anti-missile system in Cuba, purely as a defensive measure against “global terrorism”.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Welcome to our annual meeting on Russia’s diplomatic performance.

The situation last year was more complicated than previously, as new dangerous seats of tensions complemented several smouldering

The last months of 2014 were marked by a series of significant bilateral agreements and summits involving Russia, India and China. According to many international analysts, the research of better relations with the two Asian giants by Moscow represents another further step

Diego Del Priore, Associate Researcher - Near East and North Africa Programme

Institute of Advanced Studies in Geopolitics and Auxiliary Sciences (IsAG), Italy, Roma

The proclamation of the 2014 International Year of the Solidarity with the Palestinian People

This report was written by a non-state organization ‘The Foundation for the Study of Democracy’ (headed by M. Grigoriev) and the Russian Public Council for International Cooperation and Public Diplomacy (presided by S. Ordzhonikidze) with the assistance

The friendship between India and Russia has a long history dating to the Soviet era and has seen one of the most cordial and productive relationships throughout the post-Cold War period. The long history of diplomatic friendship between India and Russia entered Sixty Seven years in 2014.

On an invitation from the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, the President of Russia arrived in India on an official visit from 10 to 12 December 2014.  The relations between the two nations expanded steadily since diplomatic relations were formalized in 1953.

Vladimir Putin had a meeting with Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi in New Delhi. Later, the talks continued in expanded format.

Following the talks, a Joint Statement Druzhba-Dosti: A Vision for Strengthening the Indian-Russian Partnership over the Next Decade was issued. Also, a package of intergovernmental and interdepartmental documents was signed on the sidelines of the visit, including on cooperation in the energy, medicine, investment and humanitarian areas.

Vladimir Putin and Narendra Modi also made statements for the press.