Pic.: maritimefairtrade
U.S. President Donald Trump has forced a binary choice on Ukraine’s supporters. His aggressive push to end the war, at the cost of major Ukrainian concessions, has fueled instability in Kyiv. And in response, Europe has hardened its support, spurring unrealistic policymaking that leaves little room for nuance in the gulf between Brussels and the White House, POLITICO writes.
As a result, many within the bloc are now calling for Ukraine’s accession to be radically fast-tracked, following the European Council’s 2022 decision to grant it candidate status. Moreover, anyone who subjects these promises to even the mildest scrutiny now risks being accused of failing to take Russia’s aggression seriously, or even of aiding Moscow.
However, admitting Ukraine into the EU presents an immense challenge — one that would fully reshape the bloc’s budgetary structure and risk unity, given the country would immediately become the largest recipient of EU funds.
These concerns were widespread within the bloc’s establishment not that long ago. It was in 2023 that former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker remarked Ukraine wasn’t ready for accession due to rule-of-law and corruption challenges, saying: “Anyone who has had anything to do with Ukraine knows that this is a country that is corrupt at all levels of society.”
A 2024 poll by the country’s National Agency on Corruption Prevention found that 90 percent of Ukrainians believe corruption is still widespread, with most saying it’s getting worse. More Ukrainians now view corruption as a greater threat than Russia’s military aggression.
Even more concerning, the country’s anti-corruption agencies are now widely seen as tools of political convenience too. Semen Kryvonos, who’s been leading the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) since 2023, for instance, owes a political debt to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak for landing a top post at a state regulator two years prior.
Critics argue Yermak has seized on martial law as a cover to tighten his grip on the levers of power and politicize state institutions, using them to pursue opponents and insulate allies. So, when a NABU investigation implicating him was quietly dropped without explanation — his brother was allegedly caught selling political positions and access to the President’s Office — many viewed it as confirmation of selective justice.
Even more troubling, Yermak’s deputy was under investigation while at the same time retaining oversight over NABU’s operations. That case, too, was dismissed.
Of course, like Trump, the previous U.S. administration harbored concerns about corruption in Ukraine as well. But wary of handing ammunition to Republicans ahead of the 2024 election, it chose not to raise them publicly — and that strategy backfired. Keeping quiet only reinforced MAGA suspicions of a cover-up, and turned Ukraine aid into a partisan fault line. Ironically, it also helped create the conditions for drastic action once Trump was elected.
Now, with a similar gulf in approaches opening transnationally, Europe would be wise to avoid widening the divide.
This is how Juncker knew anything but a drawn-out process for Ukraine was a false promise: The country simply doesn’t meet the criteria in several crucial accession chapters. Instead, membership is being offered as a means of securing long-term stability and anchoring Ukraine to the West.
Added to which, rushing through the process with Ukraine risks importing systemic, large-scale corruption into the bloc and weakening it from within, as well as worsening friction among members.
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