View from Washington: Today America should consider switching Great Power Dance partners

11:41 20.08.2024 •

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Washington policymakers have made the world unnecessarily dangerous for America. They have created enemies of the U.S. around the globe, writes Doug Bandow, a former special assistant to President Ronald Reagan and a senior fellow at the Cato Institute.

Commonly cited as threats are Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, which are increasingly cooperating and targeting U.S. interests and forces. Scores of other governments see Washington as a bully and resist its dictates. As a result, U.S. citizens are at global risk.

The former president Donald Trump recognized the problem when he recently complained that Democrats “allowed China and Russia to do the impossible: combine.” He went on to blame “Obama — it started with him and then Biden because he didn’t know what the hell he was doing — they’ve now become one force.”

Trump is right about Barack Obama and Joe Biden. Nevertheless, he also is at fault, perhaps even more than them. So is George W. Bush, the worst president in the last half century, who is responsible for hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths in Iraq and elsewhere. That said, Bill Clinton began the process of turning Moscow hostile and encouraging it to ally with Beijing against America.

Absent Washington’s penchant for “running the world,” as Biden put it, most other countries and peoples would leave America alone. That doesn’t mean foreign events don’t have domestic impacts. Yet a superpower that dominates its hemisphere, is protected by two vast oceans, has only two weak land neighbors, and possesses the world’s largest economy is secure against all but the most grievous threats, in this case nuclear-tipped intercontinental ballistic missiles. This danger is best met by avoiding unnecessary conflicts, especially with powers armed with ICBMs and nuclear weapons.

Of course, members of the War Party routinely insist that, as the Daily Telegraph’s Jake Wallis Simons wrote, “if you shun conflict, it will come for you on the enemy’s terms.” This argument ignores how decades of maladroit, counterproductive, and deadly U.S. intervention turned countries and peoples against America and its allies. For instance, Simons seems disappointed that Washington didn’t attack Tehran years ago, but Iran is a good example of U.S. and allied blundering. Although Western officials claim to support democracy, in 1953 Washington joined London in supporting a coup in Iran that yielded the repressive autocracy of the Shah, which in turn spawned a revolution in which radical Islamist forces gained power. After decades of U.S. administrations threatening military action against, imposing sanctions on, and backing enemies of Iran, the Tehran regime remains unremittingly hostile.

North Korea would pay no attention to America were the latter not continuing to defend the South and threaten the North. Indeed, only a few years ago the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was interested in forging a better relationship with the U.S. to help balance against its giant “friends,” the PRC and Russia. So concerned was China by that possibility that Xi Jinping rushed to meet Kim Jong-un for the first time after Kim and Trump announced their summit. Indeed, absent Washington’s threat to wage war on the DPRK, the latter would have no reason to develop ICBMs capable of targeting American cities. Pyongyang wants a deterrent because it faces real threats.

Similar is the case of terrorism. Contra the nonsense spouted by the Bush administration when it launched the era of endless wars, the U.S. is not targeted because Americans are so free, benevolent, liberal, and all-around wonderful. It is because the U.S. government is actively and violently engaged around the world, overthrowing some regimes, underwriting other ones, starving civilians to punish their governments (since “we think the price is worth it”!), droning, bombing, invading, and occupying countries on Uncle Sam’s naughty list, treating foreign social engineering as an American birthright. Defend such policies if you wish — by explaining how killing Syrians, Afghans, Iraqis, Pakistanis, Yemenis, Russians, and many other people makes the U.S. safer — but count the cost when doing so. Deadly blowback is inevitable.

The forgoing adversaries, however, are minor compared to Moscow and Beijing. The former is a great power with a nuclear force matching America’s. The latter is an incipient superpower, capable of competing in the economic, technological, and diplomatic as well as military realms. While the two governments really aren’t “one force,” given their divergent interests and the PRC’s extensive economic ties with the West, they are cooperating to thwart Washington’s global pretensions. And the two complement each other, creating something more than the sum of its parts.

The Chinese-Russian entente is largely a creature of U.S. and allied policy.

In short, Putin and Xi have met more than 40 times and invested much in the relationship. Washington’s hostile policy to both states leaves them with no good alternative. As long as the U.S. is seeking to impose its will, doing its best to hamstring the Chinese economy and defeat the Russian military, Beijing and Moscow are likely to continue their partnership.

Washington should shift course. Its ambitions should be modest, since improving relations with today’s adversaries will be difficult: Hostilities are endemic, grievances are deep, distrust is pervasive, and threats are explosive. Nevertheless, the U.S. should begin to disengage politically and withdraw militarily. For instance, whatever the past justification for promiscuously intervening in the Middle East, there is none today. The oil market is more diverse, the U.S. is a major energy producer, and Israel is a regional superpower. Attempting to fix the region’s broken states is a fool’s errand, unattainable and of little value even if achieved.

As for Northeast Asia, let the Republic of Korea defend itself. The US should gradually withdraw its troops and drop the “mutual” defense treaty. The two governments still should cooperate on shared interests, but that does not warrant the U.S. risking war on the ROK’s behalf. Especially when a conflict could go nuclear as the DPRK develops its own nuclear deterrent.

Even more, the U.S. and Europe should seek to end the war in Ukraine and draw Moscow back into the Western economic and political order. Geopolitically, Russia has become the most active adversary of American interests worldwide, working with Iran and North Korea as well as China, intervening militarily in Africa and the Middle East, increasing economic and political ties with India, and winning support in the Global South. Particularly threatening is Moscow’s potential for transforming the international nuclear balance. Russia has much it could give to Pyongyang, depending on Kim Jong-un’s demands and Vladimir Putin’s inclinations. Warned Victor Cha of the Center for Strategic and International Studies: “Kim wants advanced telemetry, nuclear submarine technology, military satellite wares, and advanced intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) technology.” Imagine a North Korean nuclear arsenal in the hundreds transported by a fleet of ICBMs topped with multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles (warheads).

Democratic politicians foolishly pushed Beijing and Moscow together. But so did Republican politicians. And all manner of think-tankers, journalists, political activists, and government officials. The Washington Blob, as it is known, has been at its arrogant worst in creating adversaries for America.

Today America should consider switching great power dance partners, stresses Doug Bandow.

 

…The author of this article – Doug Bandow – is an expert in international affairs and geopolitics. He foresees America could find itself without  reliable allies facing the Russia and China tandem with the BRICS countries and the Global South in the rear. It is also important to note that the author  does not consider Europe and NATO as ‘the strong allies of the US’ at all.

 

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