Wolfgang Ischinger: ‘Respect for the EU as a capable actor is approaching zero’

Wolfgang Ischinger
Photo: msn.com

Wolfgang Ischinger, 79, is one of Germany’s most experienced diplomats. He joined the Foreign Service in 1976. From 1982 to 1990, he was a member of the personal staff of Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher (FDP). Later, he became head of the policy planning staff and, under Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (Greens), State Secretary. Ischinger served as ambassador to Washington and London, among other posts. Since 2008, he has held a leading position at the prestigious Munich Security Conference.

Below are some excerpts from his long interview with the German press.

Welt am Sonntag [hence WAMS]: The Chancellor wants to achieve better coordination between government departments with a National Security Council — including in communication. Why isn’t this having an effect yet?

Ischinger: First of all: It’s very good that this old proposal to replace the Federal Security Council with a genuine National Security Council as an instrument for coordinating security policy is now being implemented! But the body is still being established and is only just beginning its work these days. And that’s another reason why expectations should be realistic: a security council doesn’t prevent disagreements — but it can moderate and reconcile them.

A crucial function is one that has long been standard practice in companies: comprehensive risk management as a top priority. The German government lacks such a structure — each minister is initially responsible to parliament for their own department. A powerful Security Council can partially close this gap.

Had we had one 15 years ago, for example, the increasingly dangerous dependence on Russian gas would likely have been identified as a strategic risk earlier. In fact, the Federal Cabinet has hardly ever discussed this issue in the past 20 years. We are still learning to become truly sovereign, to take full responsibility for our actions.

WAMS: Beyond Ukraine, the issue is Europe’s ability to become more militarily independent vis-à-vis the US. How realistic is that—and in what timeframe?

Ischinger: Feasible, yes, but please think European, not national. There’s a new dynamic in the industry — from traditional companies to new tech. Nevertheless, in key military areas, dependence on US systems remains high. That won’t change in one or two years; think more in five to ten years. Politically, it would certainly be problematic if, with massively increasing defence budgets, a large portion of technology purchases continue to end up in the US. At some point, voters will ask: ‘And what will stay here? What about jobs in our country?’

WAMS: What about Europe as a geopolitical actor?

Ischinger: Disappointing. The rest of the world’s respect for the EU as a capable actor is virtually nonexistent. Ten years ago, we were still a mediating partner in the Middle East — lately, we’ve been mere window dressing. The most important question is: how can we ensure that we speak with one voice, not with 27?

WAMS: Is the German Foreign Minister’s canceled trip to China also an expression of a lack of respect?

Ischinger: I see it more as a minor traffic accident than an expression of disrespect. It’s a tenet of the old diplomatic school: great powers are sensitive to public admonishment. It was wise of Chancellor Merz not to publicly explain everything he disliked about Donald Trump and his policies in an interview with Die Welt am Sonntag before his trip to Washington in August. In diplomacy, it’s often advisable to address criticism confidentially first.

But misunderstandings can be resolved; China continues to have a significant interest in Germany and Europe. This is reciprocal. The fundamental problem lies deeper: Europe too often speaks with 27 voices. From Beijing’s perspective, we are then 27 dwarf states, with Germany wearing the biggest hat. We need a common strategic objective. Here, too, it’s about messaging: Do we act as a single small nation or as a Europe of 450 million to represent our interests to China? Germany has a leading responsibility in responding.

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