РУССКИЙ
21:45 16.06.2026 •
Photo: MFA
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s opening remarks during talks with Foreign Minister of the Republic of Türkiye Hakan Fidan.
Moscow, June 16, 2026
Mr Minister,
My dear friend,
We are pleased to welcome you and your delegation.
We maintain regular contacts as do our presidents. Some time ago, we had a long and productive bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum.
Other areas of our cooperation are also important, including inter-parliamentary ties. Speaker of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation’s Federal Assembly Valentina Matviyenko recently visited Istanbul for the 152nd Session of the Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.
Our trade and economic ties are advancing. We hope that the 20th Meeting of the Joint Intergovernmental Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation will be held before the end of this year.
Beyond our dynamic bilateral relations, we have an extensive and packed agenda related to regional and international affairs; I am referring to the Middle East, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia.
We appreciate our Turkish friends’ sincere interest in facilitating the search for a just, stable, and long-term settlement of the situation in and around Ukraine.
Today, I hope to discuss the key bilateral issues related to the agreements and understandings reached by our presidents, as well as the international and regional agenda, including the regular consultations between our ministries.
Photo: MFA
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s statement and answers to media questions at a joint news conference following talks with Foreign Minister of the Republic of Türkiye Hakan Fidan.
Ladies and gentlemen,
We have conducted substantive, concrete, and productive negotiations. We have identified practical steps that must yet be taken to implement the fundamental agreements reached by our Presidents regarding the development of bilateral ties and the strengthening of coordination on regional and international matters. In April this year, we engaged in discussions on the sidelines of the Antalya Diplomatic Forum. Our dialogue is ongoing, and we will, of course, meet at the forthcoming UN General Assembly.
June 3, 2026, marked a significant commemorative date – 106 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and the Government of the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. I take this opportunity to once again extend my congratulations to all on this momentous occasion.
We noted the intensive nature of our dialogue at all levels – at the presidential level, between the heads of parliament, and between our foreign ministries. At the Antalya Diplomatic Forum, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and I signed a further Plan of Consultations between our foreign ministries, which is being successfully implemented.
Turning to trade and economic affairs, we welcomed the dynamic development of cooperation in the energy sector. In particular, the construction of the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant, as part of the Rosatom State Corporation project, is proceeding on schedule.
There is a shared interest in ensuring due preparation and convening, before the end of the year, of the 20th session of the Joint Intergovernmental Russian-Turkish Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation.
We discussed the need to further develop cooperation in tourism. In 2025, nearly 7 million Russian citizens visited the Republic of Türkiye. We are interested in ensuring that their safety is reliably guaranteed. We have always valued this aspect of our Turkish friends’ approach.
We conducted a constructive review of current global and regional issues, including the situation in the Black Sea region. We are concerned by the Kiev regime’s attempts to orchestrate provocations against vessels transporting grain to the Republic of Türkiye and against tankers, as well as by the persistent threats of terrorist attacks against the TurkStream and Blue Stream gas pipelines. We have agreed to collaborate closely on matters of security in the Black Sea region, the South Caucasus, the Middle East, and North Africa. In these domains, we have established close contacts with our Turkish colleagues. We operate on a mutually complementary basis.
We are concerned by the problems that have arisen in the Middle East in connection with the Iran-Israel conflict. Its effects have already extended beyond the Strait of Hormuz. The issues of Lebanon and Palestine remain unresolved. The Israeli leadership has declared that a Palestinian state would not be established. Such a position constitutes a direct violation of United Nations resolutions. Russia and Türkiye cannot accept this. We will insist on the implementation of what has been repeatedly agreed.
We reaffirmed our interest in stabilising the situation in Syria. Whilst positive developments are underway, many challenges persist.
We will also cooperate in strengthening Libya’s statehood. The challenges there are equally grave. Since the Arab Spring of 2011, Libya has remained a fragmented state. We support, and will contribute to, the UN efforts in every possible manner.
In discussing the situation in the South Caucasus, we noted that the consolidation of peace and beneficial cooperation in this region is fostered by the participation of our countries in the 3+3 Regional Cooperation Platform, which also includes Azerbaijan, Armenia and Iran. We hope that Georgia will join this process in the future – the door remains open.
We value Türkiye’s diplomatic efforts in the context of efforts to resolve the situation around Ukraine. We have reminded our Turkish colleagues that, for any settlement to be sustainable, long-term and reliable, the root causes of the crisis must be addressed, including the drawing of Ukraine into NATO, contrary to all assurances, promises and OSCE decisions. Equally important is the full restoration and observance of the legitimate rights of the Russian and Russian-speaking populations in the territories remaining under the control of the Kiev regime, together with the restoration of the full rights of the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church.
We expect that today’s negotiations will enable us to advance the fundamental agreements reached between our leaders. The outcomes will be duly reported to our Presidents.
I would like to thank my colleague and friend for the fruitful discussion.
Question: How do you explain the West’s apparent unwillingness to comment on terrorist attacks against civilians carried out by the Zelensky government, while continuing to focus so intensely on the events in Bucha despite the lack of evidence?
Sergey Lavrov: The simplest explanation is that the West is once again seeking to reassert a hegemonic role in international affairs, positioning itself as the ultimate arbiter of what is right and wrong.
In this context, the resurgence of Nazi tendencies is particularly alarming, especially in Europe, where discussions about restoring Germany’s military capabilities and strengthening its role as Europe’s leading military power have become increasingly common.
These trends are further exacerbated by the policies of Vladimir Zelensky’s regime, which has openly promoted the rehabilitation of Nazi criminals and nationalist extremism.
When confronted with such actions – including the reburial of war criminals and collaborators convicted by the Nuremberg Tribunal – many European leaders nevertheless continue to praise Vladimir Zelensky and describe him as a defender of European values. Such actions amount to a tacit acknowledgment of what those values have come to represent. They speak for themselves and require no further commentary.
Question: The European Union has recently intensified its efforts to accelerate the accession process for a number of countries, both in the Balkans and in relation to Ukraine. How does Russia view these developments? How do you assess Ukraine’s and the Balkan states’ prospects for joining the European Union?
Sergey Lavrov: The issue of Ukraine was discussed in the context of the consequences of the Crimean referendum. Following the unconstitutional coup in Kiev in February 2014, the people of Crimea voted in a March referendum in favour of reunification with the Russian Federation. Even at that time, during our discussions with the European Union and the US on Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin consistently stressed Russia’s categorical opposition to Ukraine’s accession to NATO, which would run counter to existing commitments. At that stage, the European Union was primarily viewed as an economic integration project focused on peaceful cooperation and initiatives aimed at improving the wellbeing of its citizens. We had no objections to that issue.
The European Union has changed significantly since then. Today, particularly against the backdrop of a reduced willingness on the part of the current US administration to bear the burden of Europe’s security, several trends have emerged within the EU. One of them is the push to transform the European Union into an independent military actor, drawing on the provisions of Articles 45 and 46 of the Treaty on European Union. At the same time, there is a growing recognition among European states that they may be unable to address security challenges on their own. According to available information, the United Kingdom is promoting the idea of establishing a separate military framework involving some of the most strongly anti-Russia countries within the current European landscape, together with London and Ukraine.
All these ideas remain at the stage of discussion, deliberation, and planning. But one point is clear: the European Union is increasingly shaping its security and defence policies to oppose Russia. From the standpoint of protecting Russia’s national interests, Ukraine’s accession to the EU could be used by those seeking to further militarise the EU. Moreover, Vladimir Zelensky has on several occasions made statements indicating his readiness to “head” Europe’s armed forces (at least he said something of this kind).
From the perspective of the European Union’s internal challenges, Ukraine’s accession could be beneficial – then the EU would simply fall apart. There are many contradictory trends. If they choose to dismantle their economic integration structure and transform into a military bloc, they risk creating very serious problems for themselves. If economic considerations are no longer a priority, then they may as well roll out a red carpet for Vladimir Zelensky.
Question: Yesterday, Vladimir Zelensky told Western media that he had invited (as ridiculous as it may sound) Russian President Vladimir Putin to attend the G7 summit in France for discussions. Did Russia receive any such proposal through official channels? If not, how do you explain this kind of messaging through the media?
Sergey Lavrov: Why would any signals be necessary? He has long relied on what is called “megaphone diplomacy,” making all of his announcements in public, just as he recently did with his insolent message to President Vladimir Putin. He performs for an audience – it’s what he’s accustomed to, the same way he plays the piano.
Question: The international community applies different standards to different conflicts. One set of criteria appears to be used in relation to Russia and Ukraine, while another is applied to Israel’s genocide in Gaza and occupation of Palestine. Figures such as Benjamin Netanyahu have not faced the same kind of punishment.
Sergey Lavrov: This is, of course, another example of the double standards for which the West has long been known. These habits have not disappeared. We continue to see the same approach: not international law, but what is called a “rules-based order” – one in which some believe they can act without restraint, while others are expected to seek their permission.
Our position is very straightforward. Having ourselves been subjected to illegal sanctions, we do not wish to see such measures imposed on anyone else. We believe sanctions should be eliminated altogether where they fall outside the framework of international law, and that all states should adhere to the principles of the UN Charter. Only the UN Security Council has the mandate to impose obligations that are binding on all states, including in the economic and trade spheres. We support international law and oppose arbitrary approaches to sanctions policy.
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